Jeremy Corbyn’s speech in Brighton rallied Labour’s Conference to face present challenges by looking to the past.
This was not what the party, the Shadow Cabinet or the man himself expected to be happening this week. In an article for the New Statesman earlier this week, Ed Miliband’s former speechwriter Marc Stears tried to take stock of the political earthquake that has happened since Labour lost the General Election. Whilst accepting the movement that won Mr Corbyn the leadership, Mr Stears lamented that the party had never engaged in an “Enlightenment-style debate” over the merits of Marxism versus market capitalism. He concluded that Mr Corbyn would either maintain control, be replaced by a more electable leader or split Labour asunder, resulting in a more diminished force.
So, at the close of his first party conference in charge, which of these realities looks most likely to materialise?
Mr Corbyn looks, at first, to be firmly in control. He has rapidly bolstered his inner circle - in particular his media operation - since first elected. There is no obvious challenger to his leadership touring the fringes and his most vocal opponents have mostly spoken as critical friends respecting his mandate.
Nevertheless, the greatest battles facing the Labour Leader are still those within his own party, where entrenched opposition within its institutions are likely to make his task a challenging one. In fact, Mr Corbyn was dealt his first significant defeat when the Conference Arrangements Committee rejected a proposed vote on Trident earlier this week. The Conference then voted to accept the National Policy Forum’s report backing the independent nuclear deterrent. In light of these events, it seems clear that Mr Corbyn has a long way to go if he is to bring his own beliefs into Labour’s official doctrine.
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Mr Corbyn has already made his mark, though. The adoption of rail nationalisation - a popular policy with many sections of the electorate - represents a step that Labour felt unable to take under Ed Miliband. Similarly, the proposal of community-owned energy companies, championed by Shadow Energy Secretary Lisa Nandy, represents an accommodation over the thorny issue of nationalisation.
“One firm commitment I make to people who join our Labour Party is that you have a real say; the final say in deciding on the policies of our party”, Mr Corbyn pledged.
To now attempt to turn the party policy-making system on its head makes sense given the scale of Mr Corbyn’s mandate. He may even be able to achieve it, given the swell of support he enjoys from an emboldened grassroots - party officials and parliamentarians should take note of the spontaneous standing ovations he elicited from delegates, before stepping up to oppose these plans.
Under Jeremy Corbyn, Labour conferences could once again become more about activists than lobbyists. Party policy would be shaped by a feedback loop with “fizzing” (as he called them), young and engaged supporters. It is an appealing notion in an age of stagnating party politics.
And yet the buck must stop somewhere. While Mr Corbyn has promised not to hold a veto over Labour policy, this stance carries him even further from the realities of Government - conference cannot replace the decision-making role of Cabinet; particularly during times of crisis.
Four and a half years from an election, though, Mr Corbyn’s speech was not about governing.
Instead, he set out to focus Labour’s mind on priorities for the next couple of years by invoking the mantra of its founder. In the words of Keir Hardie, that of stirring up divine discontent.
DeHavilland has covered hundreds of fringe events and main speeches at the four main party conferences. Order a copy of their comprehensive conference briefing online here.